The history, statutes and minimum program of the Congolese National Liberation Front

Congolese National
Liberation Front

Revolutionary Vanguard and
hting Arm of the Congolese People

HE PEOPLE
WITHOUT THE PEOPLE

OPLE^f

THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES
CONQUER OR DIE

History, Statutes and Minimum
)ram of the Congolese National
Liberation Front

'Between liberty and slavery, there is no compromise. "

—Patrice E. Lumumba

BOSTON UNIVERSITY Ulfeo

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TABLE OF CONTENTS 49 'j / '/r>-/

PART I

THE HISTORY OF THE CONGOLESE NATIONAL LIBERATION
FRONT

PART II

STATUTES OF THE CONGOLESE NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT

PART III

MINIMUM POLITICAL PROGRAM OF THE CONGOLESE NATIONAL
LIBERATION FRONT

Congolese National Liberation Front
U.S. Section
P.O. Box 2919
Grand Central Station
New York, N.Y. 10007

The History of the Congolese National Liberation Front

The CONGOLESE NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT (F.L.N.C.) is
a politico-military organization founded in Angola some years ago by C^ n _
golese nationalists wishing to liberate their country, Zaire, from the despQtj c
regime now in power.

Our movement is the foremost among the opposition parties of "Zair e >>
It is the only movement which has formed a true liberation army. That arr^
through a well defined program, is capable of liberating the "zairois" peopi e
from the poverty and sufferings inflicted upon it by the one-man dictatorship
of the "Zairois" regime.

The CONGOLESE NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT has its he^ d .
quarters in the country and counts among its members many well-trailed
militants from every region and ethnic group in the Congo-Zaire. From ^e
center of the Movement we must watch over our " Zairois" compatriots e^ c ^
day, men and women who sometimes flee the length of the country to fin^ a
place in the Front.

Our revolutionary Movement has issued an invitation to all patric^j c
persons wishing to work with us to struggle for peace and democracy in ^e
Congo-Zaire.

HOW WAS THE FRONT BORN IN ANGOLA?

The Front was born in Angola in June 1968. It should be recalled th at
the Katangese secession ended in January 1963. A part of the Katang ese
Gendarmerie had been re-integrated at that time into the Congolese nat-io na i
army as a result of General Mobutu's guarantee that they would retain tt^eir
various ranks within his army. Mobutu did not keep his promises and caused
the Katangese Gendarmes who had joined his army to be badly treated.

In 1964, Tshombe, the former President of Katanga who had beco me
Prime Minister in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, issued an appea) t0
all the former Katangese Gendarmes who had taken refuge in Angola. Tk^y
were told that Mobutu insisted absolutely that they must rejoin the Congol ese

1

national army. The Prime Minister himself was not opposed to this idea and
was convinced that it would help to safeguard the country's territorial integrity.

In strict historical terms, one cannot properly speak of "Katangese Gen-
darmes" from that time on.

In fact, two important changes had taken place. On the one hand, the
"Katangese Question" became a thing of the past with the elimination of the
secessionist State already referred to. At the same time the "Spirit of
Katanga" was destroyed when Tshombe took the post of Prime Minister.

The re-integration of the Gendarmes was total. In 1964 they were scat-
tered over the country in several battalions. Mobutu gave instructions first
that they should be strictly watched and, secondly, that actions should be
taken which would gradually lead to their "elimination". The Congolese
soldiers who had been re-integrated only became aware of the treatment which
was intended for them after the fact. Despite their re -integration, all sorts of
arbitrary measures were taken against them. Two years later, after the massa-
cre ordered by Mobutu at Camp d'Irebu (Kisangani) in August-September of
1966, some of them became dissidents.

But the re-integrated gendarmes were not alone in revolting. They were
joined by other Congolese soldiers.

Those who remained faithful to Mobutu's army did not fare any better
in the long run. One group joined the white mercenaries who rebelled against
the authority of the central government. That rebellion took place in Kisan-
gani in July 1967.

After the defeat of the white mercenaries and their retreat to Rwanda,
President Mobutu ordered an amnesty for the dissident Congolese soldiers
who had rebelled with them. The General Secretary of the Organization of
African Unity and the International Red Cross in Geneva guaranteed this
amnesty.

*

Of the three thousand dissident Congolese soldiers who accepted the
amnesty and returned to Kinshasa, only twelve survived the massacre ordered
by Mobutu. They soon took refuge in Angola, where there were other Con-
golese. The Po. .uguese authorities who ruled Angola at the time granted them

2

asylum.

From that time on, Mobutu found himself the master of nothing bill
chaos in the Congo. One former high official of the central government has
stated that he once received instructions from General Mobutu to execute the
dissidents at the rate of twenty-five a day.

Following the dictatorial regime's repeated acts of injustice, many per-
sons began to flee the Congo and to take refuge abroad, notably in the neigh-
boring countries: Congo-Brazzaville, Uganda, the Sudan, Tanzania, Burundi,
Zambia and Rwanda, as well as Angola.

Thus there were large numbers of Congolese refugees in Angola in a
situation of involuntary exile. On the 19th of June, 1968, they decided to
create the CONGOLESE NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT: a politico-
military movement struggling against the dictatorial power of Mobutu, whose
members hope to return to their country after the fall of the regime.

Some time later, the national liberation struggle began in Angola. The
Portuguese authorities employed Angolan and Zambian militias to fight
against the Angolan nationalists, under the pretext that the latter were
communist "invaders".

Congolese refugees were incorporated into these militias. They had no
choice but to accept this miserable task, for which they received 90 escudos per
month and a promise of material aid for the liberation of our own national
territory.

Towards the end of the Portuguese colonial struggle, we were told we
could return to our country under a general amnesty decreed by Mobutu or to
go to South Africa. We gave a negative reply to both proposals. Our return
home could not really be safe under a guarantee from Mobutu. Previous
amnesties decreed by Mobutu had proved disastrous, and particularly those
decreed for the dissidents in the national army who were in Rwanda in 1967,
and for Mulele in Brazzaville in 1969 with the guarantee of the OAU and of the
Congo-Brazzaville Government. Those amnestied then were executed.

The offer to go to South Africa was absolutely rejected. We did not wish
to be used by the South African racists against our brothers in South Africa

3

and Namibia. The latter were struggling for the independence of their country,
the former for their most sacred rights: human dignity and the just redistribu-
tion of the resources of their country.

As Angola approached its independence, we realized that we faced three
choices if we were to stay in Angola: we could support the NATIONAL
FRONT FOR THE LIBERATION OF ANGOLA (F.N.L.A.), the NATION-
AL UNION FOR TOTAL INDEPENDENCE OF ANGOLA (U.N.I.T.A.) or
the POPULAR MOVEMENT FOR THE LIBERATION OF ANGOLA
(M.P.L.A.).

We decided to support the M.P.L.A. militarily. That choice was made
for two reasons: first of all, because we could not ally ourselves with the
F.N.L.A. or U.N.I.T.A., as both had collaborated with the Mobutu regime,
which was our enemy. Secondly, because, after an analysis of the struggles
conducted by the three liberation movements, we concluded that only the
struggle of the M.P.L.A. was a just one. It aimed at putting an end to the
system of exploitation which had been imposed upon the Angolan people. We
therefore decided to give our blood for the just and legitimate cause of the
Angolan people under the leadership of the M.P.L.A. in order to demonstrate
our belief in the system of a country which wishes to be truly independent.

Our organization is composed of members from every region of the
Congo-Zaire. This is yet another reason which demonstrates that we are
nationalists, it is wrong and spiteful to consider us secessionists.

Furthermore, we appeal to world opinion to confirm for itself what has
been said above and to see that, in reality, the integration of the Katangese into
the Congolese national flock was complete. Thus Moise Tshombe was in-
stalled as Prime Minister at the head of a national Congolese government with
all his collaborators.

We are fighting to free all of Congo-Zaire and not just one of its regions.
What more must we do to demonstrate to the people of the Congo, and then to
the world, that we are sincere in our determination to liberate our country
from the tyranny which the fascist regime has imposed to oppress it?

Only the vow of determination that we make here, that sheds light on
what we really believe, is enough to demonstrate the ideals which inspire us.

4

We call the attention of the Congolese people and of the entire world lo
the fact that we have proved our determination and our fighting ability. We
have fought at the side of the M.P.LA. against the reactionary forces of I he
F.N.L.A., which is composed in large part of "Zairois", as well as against
U.N.I.T.A., supported by their racist South African allies.

We have allowed ourselves to set out above a brief historical account of
the origin of the Front. This is to show national and international opinion that
the birth of the Front is justified by the dictatorial politics of Mobutu, politics
which are the foundation of the system by which international imperialism ex-
ploits our people. Our account shows that there is no basis in fact for believing
or making others believe that our Movement seeks in any way to continue the
Congolese secession.

At the same time, the Front very much regrets the total silence of inter-
national opinion in the matter of the sufferings of the "Zairois" people, who
have been subjected to a shameless exploitation and a dictatorship unprece-
dented in human history.

In this document, the CONGOLESE NATIONAL LIBERATION
FRONT, addresses an appeal to all countries., to all friendly political parties as
well as to all progressive organizations to give us their moral and political sup-
port. Our struggle for freedom is a just and legitimate struggle aimed at rescu-
ing the Congolese people from the system of exploitation in which they are
trapped.

5

The Statutes of the Congolese National Liberation Front

CHAPTER I: GENERAL PRINCIPLES

Article 1. The creation of the CONGOLESE NATIONAL LIBERATION
FRONT (F.L.N. C.) represents the triumph of the thought of Patrice Lumum-
ba, the logical consequence of the political experience of the Congolese people
in the neocolonial situation to which the Congo-Kinshasa has been subjected
since independence on June 30, 1960.

Article 2. THE F.L.N. C. is the vanguard revolutionary organization of the
people of Congo-Kinshasa, which is known today as the Republic of Zaire.

The purpose of the F.L.N.C. is to regroup all of the active forces
of the country, notably the peasants, the workers and the revolutionary in-
tellectuals, in order to build a popular political-military FRONT Its funda-
mental task is to lead a national liberation struggle which will bring about the
annihilation of the fascist dictatorship now in power in Kinshasa, and institute
in its place a popular government which will end the regime of exploitation of
man by man imposed upon our people by imperialism and its total lackeys.

Article 3. The F.L.N.C. is a revolutionary and a progressive movement. It
seeks to become the leading nucleus of the Congolese people, drawing its
power from the masses of workers and peasants, the militants and the revolu-
tionary intellectuals resolutely committed to the struggle for total indepen-
dence, democracy and socialism.

The F.L.N.C. exists for the people.

It serves the people, that is to say, it serves the exploited masses of
the Congolese people.

Three general principles characterize the F.L.N.C: revolutionary
theory, political-military discipline, and a oneness with the masses, a militant
solidarity with all the oppressed people struggling in the world.

FIRMLY committed to the struggle of oppressed people, the
F.L.N.C. resolutely unites with all parties and movements which pursue the
same objectives as it does, and it supports all movements and peoples engaged
in the national liberation struggle against colonialism, neo-colonialism, and
imperialism.

6

CHAPTER II: THE MEMBERS

1. Conditions of Membership — Rights and Obligations

Article 4 . Membership in the F.L.N.C: every worker, every peasant, every
combatant, every revolutionary Congolese intellectual, who by virtue of the
present Statutes and program of the FRONT, by an act of conviction in the
Revolution, seeks membership in the FRONT, to take part actively in the
organization of the masses, applying the directives of the FRONT and observ-
ing the political -military discipline, may become a member.

Article 5. Every member of the F.L.N.C:

— must be convinced of the need for constant study and practice, in a living
and creative manner, of socialist ideology;

— must at all times and everywhere be an exemplary worker, disciplined and
ready for all sacrifices;

— must be particularly vigilant in order to prevent unscrupulous persons,
conspirators and opportunists from usurping the direction of the FRONT
at any level, and to guarantee that the direction of the FRONT will always
remain in the hands of revolutionaries;

— must practice criticism and self-criticism as a method of improving the
work of the FRONT;

— must resolutely fight regionalism, tribalism, and divisive work in all its
forms;

— must be exemplary in his/her private life;

— must always show vigilance in regard to the subversive activities of imperi-
alism and its local lackeys; and must guard the secrets of the FRONT;

— must not belong to any other political organization independent of the
party or to have any link with anti-national, anti-revolutionary or anti-
socialist forces.

Article 6. EACH MEMBER of the F.L.N.C has the right:

— to be elected to the leadership bodies of the FRONT;

— to elect the leadership of the FRONT at his /her level in the party— to take

part in regular meetings of the FRONT, in the discussion of theoretical and
practical problems of the politics of the FRONT, to formulate concrete
propositions on the work of the FRONT.

2. Errors

Article 7. Simple errors will be defined in the internal regulations of the
FRONT.

Article 8. Grave errors are:

— treason of ideological inconsistency;

— refusal to follow directives of the higher organs of the party or voted by the
majority;

— divisive work, use of authority for personal ends, abuse of power and
corruption;

— the denigration of the FRONT or its members, the divulging of secrets;

— embezzlement of funds, use of the goods of the FRONT for personal ends;

— committing the organization to any end without proper authorization.

3. Sanctions

Article 9. Any member who fails in his/her statutory obligations or who
commits breach of the discipline of the FRONT may be the object of the
following sanctions:

— loss (with or without forfeiture) of his/her duties;

— temporary exclusion;

— definitive exclusion.

Degenerate and opportunistic elements about whom we possess
irrefutable proof will be expelled. Exclusion is decided by the Central Commit-
tee of the FRONT. £

Article 10 . Only the Congress is able to relieve a Member of the Central Com-
mittee of his/her duties or to impose probation, suspension or expulsion. In
urgent cases, this decision may be made in a meeting of the Central Committee

8

by a 2/3 majority.

Article 11 . In considering the ratification of the expulsion of a member, the
organs of the F.L.N.C. must observe the maximum prudence, investigate the
acts with the greatest care, scrutinize them carefully and listen with great atten-
tion to the explanations of the interested parties.

Article 12 . The appropriate section to take disciplinary action is that to which
the militant belongs. Suspension and temporary or definitive expulsion entail
forfeiture of any elected post.

CHAPTER III: THE ORGANIZATIONAL PRINCIPLE OF
THE FRONT

Article 13 . The organizational principle of the FRONT is democratic central-
ism. All members and bodies of the FRONT must accept the strict discipline of
the Central Committee, which is elected by the Congress. Individuals must ac-
cept the decisions of the organization, the minority those of the majority and
the lower levels of leadership those of the upper levels.

The governing bodies at all levels of the FRONT must regularly
report on their work to the Congress or the General Assembly. They must seek
to understand the views of the masses, both within and outside the FRONT
and accept their control.

Every member has the right to address criticism and to make sug-
gestions to the organizations of the FRONT and to the leadership at every
level. Every member who is in disagreement with resolutions or instructions
from any body of the FRONT has the right to his/her own opinion and the
right to address himself /herself directly to the leadership organs up to the level
of the Central Committee. An atmosphere must be created in which politics is
governed at once by democratic centralism, discipline and freedom. For each
there must be a combination of freedom of opinion with a spirit of voluntary
acceptance of discipline.

Article 14 . The highest leadership body of the FRONT is the Congress of the
People and between meetings of the Congress, the Central Committee, which
is elected by it.

9

The leadership organ of the FRONT, on the local level, at the
workplace, is the general assembly of members at that level, as well as the Cen-
tral Committee.

In the Revolutionary Armed Force of the F.L.N.C, leadership is
assumed by Battalion, Company and Group Commanders, as well as by a
Political Commissar at each level.

General assemblies of the FRONT at every level are convened by
committees of the FRONT at that level.

At every level, the convening of general assemblies of the FRONT
and the list of members elected to the respective committees must be approved
by the governing bodies of the next highest level of the FRONT.

Article 15 . The Committees of the Front provide the principal leadership at
each level: Local, Army, Company, Factory and Government (Administra-
tion). Leadership is exercised in accordance with the principles of discipline,
contact with the masses and economy in administration. The specific forms of
organization at each level and the concrete tasks assigned to each, will be
determined by the FRONT, taking account of objective and subjective condi-
tions at a particular time and place.

CHAPTER IV: THE CENTRAL ORGANIZATION OF
THE FRONT

Article 16 . The People's Congress meets in Ordinary Session every five years.
However, in the present circumstances, considering geography and the clan-
destine nature of our activity, the Central Committee sits in place of the Con-
gress, carrying on its work. The People's Congress is convened by the Presi-
dent of the Central Committee.

The agenda and the minutes are communicated to members at the
opening session of the debates. The People's Congress is sovereign. It hears
and approves the reports of the Central Committee.

It defines the principles of politico-military action of the FRONT
with respect to issues which arise in the course of the liberation struggle of the
Congolese people.

It adopts and modifies the FRONT'S statutes.

10

It ratifies the election of the members of the Political Bureau by
the members of the Central Committee of the F.L.N.C.

Article 17 . In the present circumstances the Central Committee is and musl he
the highest organ of the FRONT. It can elect from among its members ;i
Political Bureau composed of at least three and no more than six members . 1 1'
the President so proposes, the Central Committee can revoke membership in
the Political Bureau. The task of the Political Bureau is to formulate and
define the political directives to be followed in dealing with current problems,
both within and outside the F.L.N.C.

A permanent commission may be created and attached to the Cen-
tral Committee whose members are Political Commissars. They will have the
task of representing the Central Committee in all the bodies of the FRONT.

CHAPTER V

In the framework of its efforts to organize the Congolese masses around
its revolutionary program, the F.L.N.C. has created three mass organizations.
They are:

O.P.E.C. : the Organization of Congolese Women, whose task is to sensi-
tize the Congolese masses to the political problems of our
country;

J. F.L.N.C: the Youth of F.L.N.C, whose principal object is to help young
Congolese to gain an understanding of our national patriotic
interests and of the means of defending them;

L.LN. A.P.I. : the National Pioneers League, which serves the interests of the
popular Congolese revolution by preparing Pioneers for their
patriotic duties.

The regulations of mass organizations will be in accord with the rules
and regulations of the F.L.N.C. The roles of these organizations will be set out
by the President of the FRONT.

Article 18 . The Central Committee is composed of no less than 25 members
and no more than 50 who are elected by the Congress of the People. It is com-
prised of :

ii

— a President, who is at the same time President of the F.L.N. C. and
Commander-in-Chief of the Revolutionary Armed Forces;

— its Members.

The working of the Central Committee as well as the responsibil-
ities of the various members will be defined by the Regulations of the
F.L.N.C. itself.

CHAPTER VI: THE RESOURCES OF THE PARTY

Article 19 . The resources of the party come from:

— membership dues;

— gifts from friends of the FRONT.

CHAPTER VII: REVISION OF THE PRESENT STATUTES
AND HEADQUARTERS

Article 20 . The Headquarters of the F.L.N.C. has been provisionally fixed at
a location known to all members. It may be transferred, as a result of a deci-
sion by the Central Committee, to any other location within the National
Territory.

Article 21. The Central Committee alone is qualified to revise or modify the
present Statutes.

12

Minimum Political Program of the
Congolese National Liberation Front

The national liberation struggle led by the Congolese National Libera-
tion Front (F.L.N.C.) has the following political objectives:

1 . To fight against the present neocolonialism fascist regime in Kinshasa
and against imperialism in general.

2. To set up a republican state and a new democracy which must guaran-
tee the country its independence and the nation its full sovereignty.

3 . To work for a better life for the masses of our people, for the consistent
satisfaction of the fundamental needs of the Congolese population and
for the assurance of social justice to all Congolese without any excep-
tion.

To realize this minimum political program, the F.L.N.C. has established
an action program of thirteen additional points:

1 . To gather all the active forces of the country and carry out a war of na-
tional liberation against the present fascist, neocolonialist Mobutu dic-
tatorship against all of the neocolonial powers which might replace him
and against imperialism.

2. To form a national democratic government of workers, peasants and
revolutionary intellectuals.

3. To totally eliminate all foreign bases presently in the Congo, and to
annul all territorial concessions granted to foreigners.

4. To rebuild national unity which is indispensable for the realization of
national independence and the freedom of the Congolese people.

5. To educate the cadres, the fighters and the masses of the people
politically and ideologically. This task will go on throughout the war of
liberation; it will be pursued after the triumph of the armed struggle to
develop in the hearts of the mobilized masses progressive socialist ideas
to bring about the completion of the socialist revolution.

6. To reorganize the army, the police, the administration and the public

services, judicial and educational services, so that they will serve the
people and respond to the needs of the masses. In addition education
and health will be free. The State will take care of all the victims of the
war of national liberation as well as their families.

7. To control and orient the whole national economy to assure true
economic development of Congo-Kinshasa, with the purpose of pro-
gressively elevating the standard of living of the masses and for the con-
sistent satisfaction of the fundamental needs of the whole Congolese
population without exception.

For this reason the State will create its own economic structures
or national enterprises in all sectors of national economic life The
private sector will be allowed to function in relationship to its effective
contributions to the national economic development.

8. To nationalize all social establishments such as hospitals, dispensaries
private schools and other social centers; also organs of the press and
information that still issue propaganda at the service of neo-
colonialism.

9. To implement agrarian reform, notably by the distribution of agricul-
tural concessions to poor peasants or those who don't have enough
and to put at their disposal the technical means necessary for their
work.

10. To eliminate exploitation, corruption, subordination, sickness ig-
norance, • poverty; to guarantee to all an equal opportunity without
consideration to sex, ethnic, tribal and regional origin, to religious and
other philosophical beliefs. To establish an educational program and a
literacy campaign for the masses of people; to establish in educating the
youth a technical and scientific program of high standards that focuses
on the positive sciences.

11. To realize equality between man and woman.

12. To abolish duties and taxes which strike the poor; to maintain or fix the
work day at eight hours for everyone. £

13. To support the liberation smuggle of all oppressed peple and to develop
bonds between the Congolese people and those of Africa in order to
realize true African unity.

14

The powers that are fighting us or fighting my govern-
ment, under the false pretense that they are fighting
communism, are in fact concealing their real intentions.
These European powers favor only those African leaders
who are tied to their apron strings and deceive their people.
Certain of these powers conceive of their presence in the
Congo or in Africa only as a chance to exploit their rich re-
sources to the maximum by conniving with certain cor-
rupted leaders.

This policy of corruption whereby every incorruptible
leader is called procommunist and every leader who is a
traitor to his country pro-Western must be fought.

We don Y want to tag along with any bloc. If we aren 7
careful, we will risk falling into a neocolonialism that
would be as dangerous as the colonialism (hat we buried
last June 30. The imperialists ' strategy is to maintain the
colonial system in the Congo and simply change the cast, as
in a stage play, that is to say, replace the Belgian colonial-
ists with neocolonialists who can be easily manipulated.

That is what the imperialists would have us do to ob-
tain their blessing and their support.

— Patrice E. Lumumba